Analysing the Political Shift and Cultural Narrative in West Bengal BJP’s Attempt to Justify Electoral Manipulation Through the Narrative of “Reawakening Bengal”

Arun Srivastava , Countercurrents, May 10, 2026, Kolkata : Rajnath Singh, the Defence Minister, in an article carried by a national English daily, expressed concern over what he described as the civilisational slumber of Bengal. He quoted Kaviguru Rabindranath Tagore: “Hey nuton, dekha dik aarbaar, jonmero prothomo shubhokshon” (O new one, show yourself once more, in the auspicious first moment of birth), reiterating the BJP’s mission to restore the greatness of true Bengali heritage. The article was published on the day the BJP, for the first time in India’s political history, captured state power in Bengal, coinciding with the birthday of Kaviguru, celebrated as Pochishe Boishakh. This marked a significant symbolic shift in Bengal’s political landscape, emphasising a blend of political change and Bengali culture.

Singh also mentioned that Rabindranath Tagore wrote these words as an invocation — a prayer to the perpetually renewing spirit of Bengal — traditionally sung on his birth anniversary, honouring him and the joy of renewal and awakening that a birthday signifies. Obviously, he wanted to convey that the BJP capturing power would usher Bengal into a more cultured and assertive era. Singh’s article reflects elements of populism and, at the same time, utter confusion about the future of Bengal, which is quite natural, as he was simply narrating the ideas and politics of Narendra Modi.

The “BJP’s mission to restore the greatness of Bengali heritage” is misleading and vague. Its focus on reawakening the state from “civilisational slumber” by blending cultural nationalism with development — often described as restoring the legacy of icons like Vivekananda, Subhas Chandra Bose, and Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee — is also ambiguous. Does he mean to suggest that Bengalis themselves have destroyed the legacies of these icons?

For the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological mentor of the BJP, cultural nationalism is synonymous with Hindu nationalism or Hindutva. The RSS defines India as an inherently Hindu nation (Hindu Rashtra), where national identity is deeply rooted in Hindu culture, values, and traditions. The RSS presents itself as a cultural volunteer organisation rather than a political party, focusing on shaping the “Hindu psyche” and national consciousness. The RSS view of cultural nationalism often holds that even non-Hindu Indians are part of the broader Hindu civilisation.

It is worth mentioning that Kaviguru, who lives in the hearts and minds of millions of Bengalis, irrespective of whether they are Hindu or Muslim, did not endorse Hindu nationalism, and his ideals were at odds with it. Nevertheless, the RSS and BJP have been trying to appropriate Rabindranath as an icon of Hindu nationalism. He also disagreed with the right-wing attempt to identify the nation as a mother goddess.

Singh speaks of cultural nationalism. It is a known fact that this element is often exploited by fascist ideologies. Cultural nationalism becomes a key component of fascism when combined with authoritarianism, militarism, and the violent exclusion of minorities. Fascism uses an extreme form of nationalism, often called “ultranationalism” — a myth of national rebirth. It demands complete loyalty, eliminates opposition, and often relies on a charismatic authoritarian leader, something that is increasingly visible in Modi’s New India. Cultural nationalism becomes fascist when it adopts traits such as an “us versus them” mentality, identifies “internal foreigners”, focuses on restoring a supposedly “pure” past through the cleansing of a decayed culture, or turns anti-pluralist. Cultural nationalism thus becomes a building block for creating a “uniform” national identity.

Bengal suffered the most after Narendra Modi became Prime Minister. His hostility towards Mamata Banerjee — in other words, towards Bengali political culture — did not motivate him to promote Bengal as a cultural and intellectual hub during the last 12 years of his rule. Singh blames Bengal for suffering from a “culture of corruption” and stagnation. “Culture of corruption” is merely a political jumla. Of course, corruption has been a major issue, but it was inherited from previous regimes, especially the Left Front. The allegation of stagnation is also incorrect. As per 2024–25 estimates, West Bengal ranks fifth or sixth in terms of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP), the primary index used to measure the size, health, and growth of an economy. Of course, per capita income has remained comparatively low, but the Modi government cannot abdicate responsibility for that.

The BJP’s approach to “reawakening” Bengal or bringing it out of slumber remains vague and amorphous. The basic reason is that a political party whose primary mission has been to spread social and communal hatred could not evolve a mechanism for social and economic growth, both of which are essential for the survival of a society or community. During the last 12 years, the BJP leadership, especially Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, focused mainly on destabilising the Mamata government and maligning Bengalis. Their broader mission was to use Bengal as a base for expansion across India, especially eastern and northeastern India.

A question naturally arises: did the BJP government ever seriously try to identify the factors responsible for forcing Bengali civilisation into “slumber”? Did it conduct any meaningful inquiry into whether Bengali civilisation was actually slipping into decline? Its primary aim instead appeared to be destabilising the government and rendering it dysfunctional. The “slumber” of a civilisation — often referred to as societal decline or a “dark age” — is rarely caused by a single event. It is usually the result of cascading environmental, social, and economic failures. To reduce it simply to corruption and inefficiency is a populist political strategy aimed at maligning the government.

Politico-economic slumber — a state of stagnation where political inertia and economic inactivity reinforce each other — emerges through a combination of structural, institutional, and behavioural factors that inhibit growth, innovation, and reform. It often stems from a lack of political will to undertake difficult reforms, leading to a “no-growth equilibrium”. A lack of consensus and political commitment to structural adjustment results in fragmented and sluggish economic policies.

The state government is often blamed for migration. However, there are primarily two types of migration: that of manual labourers and that of highly skilled and educated workers. Migration of the educated and skilled workforce has psychological and neoliberal dimensions. Manual labourers, meanwhile, were forced to migrate because the BJP government stopped the flow of funds on the flimsy ground of alleged non-utilisation. Around £1 lakh crore under NREGA has reportedly been withheld. Naturally, labourers were forced to seek work in other states as Bengal could neither generate employment nor pay wages. These funds have effectively been blocked since December 2021. Reports also indicate that budget estimates have been significantly lower than actual expenditure in preceding years, including a reported 23% reduction in real terms over the five years leading up to 2025–26. If Modi had genuinely intended to strengthen Bengal, he should have focused on consolidating and supporting its labour force.

While Modi stopped central funds, the saffron ecosystem simultaneously encouraged violence. The state witnessed widespread post-poll violence, with reports of killings, arson, vandalism, and clashes across various districts. West Bengal has experienced intense political friction between the BJP and the Trinamool Congress (TMC) over the past decade. A 2026 Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) report indicated that 65% of newly elected MLAs in the 2026 Assembly polls had declared criminal cases, with many involving serious charges. Political violence in West Bengal has become a persistent phenomenon, marked by intense and often deadly clashes between TMC and BJP supporters, particularly during election cycles between 2014 and 2026. A National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) committee recorded 1,934 incidents, including 29 murders and 12 cases of sexual assault, reporting that the violence was widespread and politically targeted. Similar trends were visible during earlier elections, including the 2014 Lok Sabha and 2018 Panchayat polls.

Modi’s approach to cultural and intellectual promotion in West Bengal has focused on honouring Bengali icons, conserving heritage infrastructure, elevating the Bengali language, and connecting cultural heritage with tourism through visits and symbolic initiatives between 2014 and 2026. Modi frequently invoked figures such as Rabindranath Tagore, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, and Swami Vivekananda to connect Bengal’s legacy with his own vision of “Viksit Bharat”. However, these efforts were not necessarily directed towards Bengal’s social, cultural, or economic growth. A closer look at his visits to cultural institutions suggests that they were often aimed more at image-building than institutional development. The saffron ecosystem claims that Modi engaged deeply with Bengal’s cultural identity through visits to places like Belur Math and participation in cultural celebrations. Yet he merely visited, prayed, and departed. He ought to explain what concrete contributions he made to these institutions.

In October 2024, Modi conferred Classical Language status on Bengali as recognition of its ancient heritage and literary richness. But Bengali had already received global recognition in 1913 when Rabindranath Tagore won the Nobel Prize in Literature. He became the first non-European, the first Asian, and the only Indian to receive the honour, placing Bengali literature and Indian writing firmly on the global stage. Whatever Modi does is often projected as self-eulogy and image management. It frequently lacks sincerity and honesty. Government schemes and events are increasingly tailored to construct a “superhero” image of Modi, often overshadowing policy substance with spectacle.

The political landscape of West Bengal in early 2026 was marked by intense narrative battles over Bengali culture and identity. The BJP heavily targeted Mamata Banerjee and the TMC, alleging that Bengal had lost its cultural identity and entered a phase of stagnation. Modi campaigned on the premise of “saving” Bengal’s heritage. The campaign involved major investments in constructing a new political identity centred on “cultural resurgence” in an attempt to shift voters away from the previous administration. Ironically, the BJP invoked figures such as Rabindranath Tagore and Swami Vivekananda to frame its campaign as a revival of “true” Bengali traditions. The victory also witnessed the emergence of BJP turncoat Suvendu Adhikari, who went on to lead the first BJP government in West Bengal.

The BJP now claims that Bengal will emerge from its slumber under Suvendu Adhikari’s leadership. Yet it is difficult to understand how a leader like Suvendu, who openly claimed that his victories in Bhabanipur and Nandigram were driven by consolidated Hindu support and that he would therefore prioritise Hindu interests, can genuinely claim to represent all Bengalis. He alleged that Muslim voters had entirely supported the TMC and described them as rigid, implying that he would not work for them. Although he later reversed his statement after taking oath and promised to serve all communities, it remains unclear which version reflects his true political commitment. His remarks triggered intense debate and accusations of growing communal polarisation in Bengal.

Rabindranath Tagore, particularly in his reflections on civilisation’s failures during his final years, expressed deep anguish in his work Crisis in Civilization. Towards the end of his life, he became deeply disillusioned with Western civilisation. In his final address, Sabhyatar Sankat (Crisis in Civilization), written in 1941, Tagore expressed profound despair, stating that his faith in the “humanity” of Western civilisation had collapsed, describing it as being trapped in a moral slumber.