Nepal’s Two Days of Reckoning – From Social Media Ban to Nationwide Uprising
KalimNews, IFJ, Kathmandu, September 15, 2025 : What happened in Nepal on September 8 and 9 still feels unreal, like waking up from a bad dream. Before it happened, everything seemed normal, until suddenly it wasn’t. On the surface, it looked like a youth demonstration gone wrong, but at its core it was much more: years of frustration boiling over among the younger generation, fuelled by bad governance, diminishing employment opportunities, corruption, and political leaders’ greed for power as well as their indifference to people’s rights and voices.
The spark was probably the unnecessary banning of 26 social media sites. The KP Oli-led government on August 28 issued a deadline to social media companies to either register or face a ban under controversial social media operations and regulations guidelines, misinterpreting a Supreme Court order, and when no social media sites showed interest, the Cabinet decided to initially impose the widespread ban on September 5.
The ban was hotly debated. Many social media influencers opposed the ban as their platforms were being taken away, and youths, who were consuming more social media-based news than mainstream news, heard them. Their discussions on online platforms such as Reddit and Discord soon extended to corruption by political leaders. Youth groups, identifying themselves as Gen Z, called the spontaneous demonstrations against corruption on September 8 and urged all young people to join in college uniforms.
September 8: Uncalled-for state brutality
What began as a peaceful demonstration against corruption quickly escalated as the demonstrators stormed the Parliament building in the middle of Kathmandu city. Security forces, who were seemingly lenient when the demonstrators met them on the perimeter outside the Parliament zone, used heavy handed measures including tear gas, rubber bullets, and real bullets. These were fired indiscriminately, even in a senseless way, as a viral video shows authorities gunning down a person helping another injured into an ambulance. At the end of the day, 17 people were killed outside the Parliament, and two more outside the Kathmandu Valley, with the news of the death toll and more than 300 injured in a few hours of state repression stunning everyone.
Journalists covering the events were also caught in the middle. Kantipur TV cameraman Shyam Shrestha, Naya Patrika daily’s photojournalist Dipendra Dhungana, NepalPress.com’s photojournalist Umesh Karki, and freelance journalist Shambhu Dangal were hit by rubber bullets fired by police. Deshsanchar.com’s photojournalist Barsha Shah was struck by a stone while reporting.
Freelance journalist Dangal later recounted his experience: “I was filming video when police fired tear gas. Suddenly, bullets were fired, and one hit me near the shoulder. I collapsed on the ground, not even realising at first that I had been shot. Some youths rushed to help after I shouted that I was a journalist. They carried me to nearby Everest Hospital, which was already overflowing with the injured. The beds were full, so they laid me on the floor and bandaged me there.”
Dangal was later transferred to a Trauma Centre in an overcrowded ambulance. “When I reached Trauma, I saw people with shattered eyes and bullet injuries across their bodies. Even there, we had to wait in line for X-rays. It was overwhelming,” he recounted.
The Home Minister Ramesh Lekhal resigned in the evening, taking moral responsibility. The government spokesperson and the Minister for Communication and Information Technology Prithvi Subba Gurung, when asked about possibility of PM Oli’s resignation, shrugged it off casually.
Throughout the night, as the citizens mourning failed to understand why indiscriminate firing was needed, the anger burned quietly. The next day, huge masses, now including people of all ages, took to the streets all over the country despite prohibitory orders and curfews.
September 9: Kathmandu burned down
The next day saw widespread riots. Kathmandu and other cities experienced violence on an unprecedented scale. Demonstrators, including claimed ‘infiltrators’, burned down the Parliament, the Prime Minister’s Office, the President’s Office, and dozens of government buildings as well as private properties and residences owned by the political leaders and businesses of people close to political parties. The rage on the day forced Prime Minister Oli to resign, and he was airlifted to safety by the army. The ministers’ quarters were also stormed and set on fire immediately after the sitting ministers present were also airlifted.
Five-time former PM Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife, the Foreign Affairs Minister Arzu Rana Deuba, faced those who stormed their residence, retaliating against them before submitting them to the army.
The media also became a target. Rioters torched the offices of Kantipur Media Group (KMG), publisher of Kantipur daily, The Kathmandu Post and its online editions, as well as the Kantipur TV premises elsewhere in the city. Vehicles outside burned as mobs stormed inside to set the premises alight.
At Kantipur TV’s newsroom in Tinkune, journalists were still on air when protesters stormed into the compound. Deputy News Chief Rupesh Shrestha later described the experience in harrowing detail in his social media post: “On September 9, I went live on Kantipur TV from our studio in Tinkune, Kathmandu. My role was to cover the major incidents unfolding across the country and to set a balanced narrative: that the demands of the Gen Z protesters are genuine, that protests and demonstrations must remain peaceful, and that the government must respond swiftly and responsibly. Just after I handed over to the Chief Editor for the editorial segment, we received alarming news that our office building was under attack. Within moments, a mob stormed the premises, vandalising Kantipur TV’s office and setting the first floor on fire. We had no choice but to stop the broadcast.”
“The only way out was through the main gate, where the mob was gathered in frenzy. With our hands raised in air, we stepped outside. I saw young men armed with traditional knives tucked into their belts, guns at their sides, and heavy sticks in their hands. The moment we crossed the gate, I was kicked from behind and punched in the face. I fell onto the road. My glasses were gone, my vision blurred. Surrounded by chaos, I suddenly felt several boys shielding me, trying to pull me out of the mob. Even then, blows rained down from every direction.” Shrestha eventually found refuge in a nearby house and returned home the next morning.
Public Service Broadcasting Nepal (PSBN), which operates Radio Nepal and Nepal Television, also suffered damage inside Singha Durbar. Annapurna Media Network’s offices were set on fire, as were the homes of media owners Kailash Sirohiya and Rameshwor Thapa.
Outside the Kathmandu Vally, violence against local media was also widespread. In Butwal, vehicles belonging to News24 TV and Radio Jagaran were torched. In Kaski, the motorcycles of Radio Dhorbarahi staff were destroyed. In Chitwan, the offices of SafalKhabar.com and Chure Sandesh were looted and set on fire, while Kalika FM’s equipment was smashed and the home of Kapurbot Media’s director, Santosh Deuja, was also set alight. In Ilam, Nepalvani FM and the Ilam Express Daily were vandalised. The Saptari district office of the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) was also attacked.
The Nepal Army took over security from 10PM on September 9 as the country slowly returned to peace. On the evening of September 12, Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female Chief Justice, was appointed as the Prime Minister of the caretaker interim citizens’ government. The 73-year-old was voted for the post in an online voting on the Discord channel of Gen Z and she was preferred because she had condemned the September 8 repression and joined the demonstration on September 9 against it, as well as her track record of political integrity.
Revisiting what went wrong
For years until now, Nepal has largely been ruled by three elderly prime ministers —KP Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal — each showing an intense greed for power, both within their parties and for the prime ministerial post. Time and again, they bent rules and manipulated systems to serve their interests, while democratic institutions and principles weakened. Corruption became a culture, fuelling people’s frustration, and the youth, many of whom had turned to start-up entrepreneurship, were disrupted by cumbersome procedures and canny civil servants. Many young people who went abroad for study or jobs were frustrated seeing nothing happening in their homeland and were also part of the online communities venting their anger, while those in Nepal were frustrated by lack of good education, employment opportunities, and bad politics.
Media had a difficult time too. At a time when many outlets and journalists were struggling with financial hardships and a declining audience, they were also affected by politicians whose bad deeds made headlines. Journalists faced external pressure, self-censorship, and sometimes threats and harassment. The industry also experienced pressure from the public who thought media could do more to ensure accountability from politicians. Many digital media platforms were owned or promoted by politicians, therefore the whole media community drew sharp criticism for being partisan and only investigating politicians that the parties disliked.
The bad dream has ended. The scars are all over Nepal. The morning after, the dream is still hazy but we Nepalis are hoping for sunshine. New political parties, reformation of existing parties, honest political leaders, good governance, investigations and prosecutions of those involved in corruption and attacks on media are some of the key things are we are rooting for before and after the March 5, 2026 general elections.
Ujjwal Acharya is the Director of Center for Media Research (CMR) Nepal Journalism Academy in Kathmandu. He was the IFJ's South Asia Coordinator from 2014 to 2018.
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