Beguiling the public - rhetoric to Dola Mitra/Dipak Ghosh/Romit Basu

KalimNews, Hillman the Analyst, Kalimpong: This is to bemoan the idea, concept, on basis of which Romit Basu has compiled the script of the article titled “Banking on a past” The Statesman 20 Sept 2013, the entirety of which is based on subjective aspects of the history of Darjeeling District as seen from the other point of view than the objective. 

Which happens to be the story of the ethnic demography equation of the population which Dola Mitra herself indicates as such, in the title of her essay “Enter the Scythe” in the weekly news magazine Outlook 16 Sept 2013, whether rightly or wrongly. 

Dipak Ghosh, former SDO Kalimpong, in reference to the Gorkhaland agitation, without any substantive evidence, census 1931 is inadmissible as it has no relative sequence to the decadal census population, from 1941 – 2001 which indicated the individual on linguistic/maitreya bhasa or the mother’s tribal language and should not be mixed up with the Hinduised caste factor. Both Dipak Ghosh and Dola Mitra artificialises the Gorkhaland agitation as trivial  and nonsensical to the point in expressing that the political basis on which the movement is based is alleged to have been engineered by the Nepali speaking ethnic Gorkha indigenous tribes of the country. 

Taking this as the cue if not the ruse, has been suggested by the ethnic Bengali language speaking script writers, as the main source and plank on which the Gorkhaland state demand happens to be constructed, according to them. Infact it is most surprising that the article of such nature, ‘Enter the Scythe’ was published in a national print media, the basis of which is a bundle of provocative merely innuendoes targeting the term Gorkha primarily to indicate it as originating in the country of Nepal, and which it is argued by the two, as inadmissible evidences for inciting or instigating any statehood demand (which basically means the right to self determination as a separate state) purported to be within the Indian Union and not without.

Infact Dipak Ghosh’s references to census 1931 on which basis it is suggested that the Nepali/Gorkha communities are required to be identified and quote him, “And then one by one send them back to Nepal. After that the movement for Gorkhaland will die a natural death”. According to the author of the article Dola Mitra, poses the rhetoric, “This curious despatch was dated August 8, 2013”. This suggests ample evidence that Dipak Ghosh’s letter sent to his boss is premeditatively designed for fulfilling the rhetoric implied – that it was to precipitate the idea the contents of the term Gorkha is inappropriate for application in engineering the demand for a separate state. This being the concern of the writ enough space was created within the interval of the agitation, to bring about and propagate an idea of the separation demand inadequate for forwarding Gorkhaland to a conclusive end. 

Whereas contrary to this belief, rightly or wrongly, Ms. M.Banerjee, CM, is heard to have expressed, in an indirect sort of way, that the Lepcha indigenous tribe are more interested in joining the national mainstream than preferring any autonomous delivery. This was her personal and subjective aspect of understanding the Lepcha community concerns regarding separate state which contrary to Ms. Banerjee’s belief, is also imprinted expressively in the communities psychic, however with an amendment to the discourse appreciating raising the demand for separation under any other term minus Gorkhaland. 

This note is not only the belief of the Lepcha community as a whole but in one way or another is also felt as a concerning importance, for the simple reason, and no matter how famous the component of the word signifies in the international arena, it still forms an ethnic response to Nepalese nationality. Thus the word in a sense impinges on the Indian sentiment in a general understanding perspectively, not in any derogatory sort of a way but from a scientific aspect in differentiating the two countries are incompatibly wholly sovereign states. This infact is a minor point of difference as the demand for Gorkhaland by any measure or means, disallows the claim as such as infringing on the Constitution itself. Hence the vulnerability it faces, no matter how impacting the term Gorkha, from being recognised as a non issue in relative terms of legal appreciation as far as the Constitution of India is concerned.

This is not to relegate the fact of the matter that there is no question of a doubt the hill peoples of the District composed under the term Hill Tribes of the Himalayas (census 1931) with or without its implications, are already provided with the distinct differentiation of these communities vis-à-vis the rest of British India/Republic of India by recognition of these people under a separate ethnicity  and accordingly scheduled within the framework of the existing constitution (pre & post British India) termed as Partially Excluded Area (Act of 1935 & Order 1936). These scheduled provisions have been physically carried over in scripting the Constitution of India within the articulations of the Fifth & Sixth Schedules. Therein the Partially Excluded Area specifications have been incorporated into the Fifth Schedule wherein Darjeeling District is also a member of the statutory Tribes Advisory Council (TAC) as enacted by law. It is this writer’s speculation that presently (or before the establishment of the GTA in 2011) that the tribal MLA from Phansidewa, a ST reserve constituency, is indicated to be a member of TAC in West Bengal. 

There is no reason to eliminate the fact that the SC MLA from Matigara, SC Assembly constituency could also be a possible member of the GTA. The second aspect arises from the fact that although the caste is a factorial division within context of the Hindu religious creed but in reference to historical context and observations it is asserted as well as claimed by eminent ethnologists that the caste were originally tribes elevated in status by converting themselves into the Hindu hierarchical fold. Of course the history goes back to ancient times when the division of the classes in the society was distinguished and identified by varna or the colour of the skin. The word varna was replaced by the word caste in the fourteenth century by Portuguese invaders settled in the south along the Coromandel coasts, suggesting a meaning differentiating their white racial background to the darker races of the Indian subcontinent. These verses are cited examples specifically to convey that the cultural history of India is still in development process and therefore none can claim erudition in this matter beyond reasonable doubt.

Therefore Dola Mitra’s identity of the scythe require to be rephrased in determining the nature of the word  is not only specific to Darjeeling District but require to be noted for future understanding that the word implies the whole range of the ethnicity of the people nomenclature under the 1931 census as the Hill tribes of the Himalayas. The Kiratas now ethnically representing the Indo-Tibetan race of people is indicated existing in Nepal in 8^th century BC which is 300 years before Buddhism was established in India. Infact the late Prof. Suniti Kumar Chatterji, national Prof of history, an outspoken person of repute, even is understood to have suggested Buddha’s genealogy originating to that context. 

Further to which Alexandra David-Neel, a French woman posing as a lamaistic nun entered Tibet for over fourteen years, indicates in her book ‘Magic and mystery in Tibet’ pg 175 quote “The same lama entertained serious doubts as to the Aryan origin of the Buddha. He rather believed that his ancestors belonged to the Yellow race and was convinced that his expected successor the future Buddha Maitreya, would appear in Northern Asia”. In reference to Maitreya it might be interesting for Mahayana Buddhists to note that the exact location for the appearance of Maiterya in his new reincarnation is believed to take place in Gurpa Hill southeast of Bodhgaya, which in ancient times was known as Kukkatapadda (cock’s claws hill). 

The significance of Maitreya’s rebirth is probably a later on additional Buddhistic Sashtras. This in appreciation of the fact that Asanga (5^th century) was the reputed founder of the Yogachara school, a school of thought for propagating the philosophy of the Madhayamika propounded by Nagarjuna in his far reaching school of thought in promoting prajnaparamita or the knowledge of the absolute truth commonly referred to as transcendental wisdom.  

So the relevance of Maitreya being handed over the garments of the last Buddha Sakya Muni by his predecessor Buddha Kashyapa is only a symbolic representation signifying the virtue of Asanga’s yogacharya thought and practice as a means of achieving physical and psychic enlightenment in progress, as well as, lieu of Nagarjuna’s appreciating transcendental wisdom in practicing yogacharya school of thought whether yantra,mantra or tantra whichever application leaves to self- realization of the void or liberation, nirvana if you will.  

The above transcript is intentionally recalled in order to appreciate Dola Mitra’s very concept of the word Scythe  which has profound meaning and implications than meets the eyes of Dola who requires an introduction to the ancient history of India before attempting to create her own history related to should I say West Bengal only. This itself is realistically untrue for the glaring fact that the major concept of Provincial Bengal is preserved within the territorial aspects of present day Bangladesh. West Bengal as a State is perceived historically speaking originated in the name of, whether anyone would belief it or not, the hill tribes of the Himalayas (census 1931)on basis of which the Partially Excluded Area of Darjeeling District existed as a constitutional implication, and which endeavour is the sole factor for the creation of West Bengal as a Province in British India. It is a fact that the Province of West Bengal became an administrative unit only after the Constitution of India started functioning. The state of West Bengal was created in 1956 as a Union of India only and that too under various complexities, such as certain areas within the State included therein, within the expression ‘as if’. This ‘as if’ phrase is the question mark which this writer poses for the intellectuals of the State as well as outside to explain to the beleaguered public who have been misinformed for the past 61 years, i.e. the time the first Parliament of India was established in 1952.

So taking the Constitution into position as far as the concept of undertaking the statehood agitation is concerned, it should not matter for the time being if the demand is based on suggesting the term Gorkhaland. This maybe adventured out forth from the fact that the hill people required a symbol of unity in order to address the legal rights, shrouded in mystery particularly by those unconcerned, who infact happens to be the concerned ethnic majority of the State hell bent on leather to see that Darjeeling District and the Dooars are not separated permanently implies the hidden agenda, which now, over half a century, is slowly penetrating into all the hill peoples of the District, coined as Gorkhas for the time being. Infact at times the term has been more deflecting than incorporating in relation to the statehood demand if perceived under the scrutiny of the constitutional parameters. However there is no reason to discard it at the moment because the time is improper to demand the right to a state legally.

This understanding arises from the fact that the right to demand a state for Darjeeling & Dooars is perspectively understood to fall within the provisions of the Fifth Schedule within the ambit of TAC established since 1952 onwards and which provisions are more alive and kicking than dead as the State intends to indicate. Considering this aspect the dream for Gorkhaland was neither an illusion nor a myth, but in reality a matter of fact which had been brushed under the carpet by almost all those concerned irrespective of caste, class or eminence in the field of political maneuver, progressively covering the rights of the Darjeeling hill people using the Gorkha umbrella by converting into a national event (AIGL in1943 -without realising that the real AIGL already existed in 1924 established by Thakur Chandan Singh, who incidentally happened to be the Private Secretary to the Maharaja of Gwalior). This lapse of time between the AIGL of Thakur Chandan Singh and that of late Damber Singh Gurung is indicative in suggesting the latter established after 19 years of time frame was infact a translation of the former being implied in the scenario of Darjeeling District, is a realisation which equires to be enquired and interpreted to a historical context as its implications in the District has far reaching aspects. Infact its undercurrent at times also implied relation with Nepal and therefore inflicting a wound so to say, injuring the legal rights of the hill people and without cure installed in quarantine more or less permanently. Thereby depriving the people from the legal right to function within the parameters of the Constitution itself, wherein their rights were suppressed by a sense of heaviness on the mindset of the beleaguered people.

Therefore in contrast to the above deliberations, are both historical and constitutional in origination and which can be placed on any table for deriving a conclusion, evidently, flawlessly without basing arguments or assumptions but the simple fact that, Darjeeling District (as well as the Dooars in a way) is provided their legal rights well preserved and safeguarded within the provisions of the Fifth Schedule, presently under the statutory body TAC which considerations itself if properly translated implies the people of these regions are inherently born with the certificate of their rights clasped between the teeth from their matriarchs wombs. Therefore the assertions and apprehensions generated in spoken language and scripted by such individuals like Dola Mitra, Dipak Ghosh and Romit Basu (with due apologies as no personal innuendos is meant) are aspirations to deflect the constitutional rights of the people of these regions to way beyond their means and problems, so that like the three proverbial monkeys blind, deaf and dumb remain with their fingers at the overtures, disabled from using their mental faculties without the inability of senses in operation, to demand their rights originating from their mother’s womb.                                                                     

(The writer is the Hillman the analyst from Kalimpong)