Hills may get Besu second campus
Somdatta Basu, TNN | Feb 5, 2012,KOLKATA: There is a possibility that the government may invite Bengal Engineering and Science University (Besu) to set up a second campus in Kalimpong. The idea is being considered amidst proposals to upgrade Besu by conferring the Indian Institute of Engineering Science and Technology (IIEST) tag to it.
In the midst of proposal and long wait to upgrade Bengal Engineering and Science University (BESU) into an institute of national importance by conferring the tag of Indian Institute of Engineering Science and Technology (IIEST), there is now a possibility that the government may invite BESU to set up a second campus in Kalimpong district.
On Saturday, senior Gorkha Janmukti Morcha leader and Kalimpong MLA Harka Bahadur Chhetri met education minister Bratya Basu and discussed the proposal. After the meeting, Chhetri said, "It has been a long time since the Hills have got any touch of modernization. I would want the university to set up a second campus there.
Since, Darjeeling is over crowded and there is paucity of space in Darjeeling, Kalimpong is the next best option. Being an elected representative, I would genuinely want to identify land and offer it to Besu so that they can set up a satellite campus."
Besu, which till now is a state university, will not find it difficult to continue with a second campus even when it is upgraded to IIEST. "If the campus is established, it will always remain so.
Even after being conferred an IIEST tag, it will not create any impediment to continuing with the second campus," said a senior higher education department official.
Besides intake of more students, the second campus will only mean intake of more students which will open up new avenues in North Bengal, feels Chhetri. "Though it may not be possible to reserve all seats in second campus for students from the area, we would urge the government to look into the possibility of reserving 15% to 20% seats for students from North Bengal," said Chhetri.
"If Besu accepts the proposal and decides to set up a campus then initially they would inaugurate only a few courses which will be beneficial for the locality. GIS mapping, bio-technology and pharmaceutical engineering may be on the anvil. There is a huge potential for pharmaceutical engineering to flourish since North Bengal is rich in medicinal plants. If at all the plan crystallizes, then courses will only be offered in phases. Moreover, Besu authorities would like to hold discussions with local schools so that it is easier to identify courses which will be in demand," added the higher education official.
When contacted Besu VC Ajay Ray said, "We will consider the possibility after a formal proposal is made. We will discuss it in the academic council and then take a decision."
In the meantime, Besu has also requested chief minister Mamata Banerjee for a land adjacent to the existing campus which is lying vacant for several years.
The university has sent a letter to the CM requesting her to allow them to set up an extended campus on the land adjacent to the university. It will solve the space crunch and also give an impetus to Besu's stake as IIEST
जीटीए थन्काउने मोर्चाको घोषणालाई क्रामाकपाको स्वागत
Somdatta Basu, TNN | Feb 5, 2012,KOLKATA: There is a possibility that the government may invite Bengal Engineering and Science University (Besu) to set up a second campus in Kalimpong. The idea is being considered amidst proposals to upgrade Besu by conferring the Indian Institute of Engineering Science and Technology (IIEST) tag to it.
In the midst of proposal and long wait to upgrade Bengal Engineering and Science University (BESU) into an institute of national importance by conferring the tag of Indian Institute of Engineering Science and Technology (IIEST), there is now a possibility that the government may invite BESU to set up a second campus in Kalimpong district.
On Saturday, senior Gorkha Janmukti Morcha leader and Kalimpong MLA Harka Bahadur Chhetri met education minister Bratya Basu and discussed the proposal. After the meeting, Chhetri said, "It has been a long time since the Hills have got any touch of modernization. I would want the university to set up a second campus there.
Since, Darjeeling is over crowded and there is paucity of space in Darjeeling, Kalimpong is the next best option. Being an elected representative, I would genuinely want to identify land and offer it to Besu so that they can set up a satellite campus."
Besu, which till now is a state university, will not find it difficult to continue with a second campus even when it is upgraded to IIEST. "If the campus is established, it will always remain so.
Even after being conferred an IIEST tag, it will not create any impediment to continuing with the second campus," said a senior higher education department official.
Besides intake of more students, the second campus will only mean intake of more students which will open up new avenues in North Bengal, feels Chhetri. "Though it may not be possible to reserve all seats in second campus for students from the area, we would urge the government to look into the possibility of reserving 15% to 20% seats for students from North Bengal," said Chhetri.
"If Besu accepts the proposal and decides to set up a campus then initially they would inaugurate only a few courses which will be beneficial for the locality. GIS mapping, bio-technology and pharmaceutical engineering may be on the anvil. There is a huge potential for pharmaceutical engineering to flourish since North Bengal is rich in medicinal plants. If at all the plan crystallizes, then courses will only be offered in phases. Moreover, Besu authorities would like to hold discussions with local schools so that it is easier to identify courses which will be in demand," added the higher education official.
When contacted Besu VC Ajay Ray said, "We will consider the possibility after a formal proposal is made. We will discuss it in the academic council and then take a decision."
In the meantime, Besu has also requested chief minister Mamata Banerjee for a land adjacent to the existing campus which is lying vacant for several years.
The university has sent a letter to the CM requesting her to allow them to set up an extended campus on the land adjacent to the university. It will solve the space crunch and also give an impetus to Besu's stake as IIEST
जीटीए थन्काउने मोर्चाको घोषणालाई क्रामाकपाको स्वागत
डी के वाइबा, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ, 4 फरवरी: सुकनामा जनसभा गर्दै फेरि जीटीएलाई थन्काएर छुट्टै राज्यको आन्दोलन गरिने भनेर गरिएको मोर्चाको घोषणालाई क्रामाकपाले स्वागत जनाएको छ। क्रामाकपा महासचिव तारामणि राईले मोर्चाको उक्त घोषणा यदि साँचो हो भने क्रामाकपाले स्वागत गर्ने बताएका छन्। अहिले केन्द्रसम्मलाई जीटीए नै सम्पूर्ण देशका गोर्खाहरूको समस्याको समाधान हो भनेर राज्य सरकार र सम्झौता गर्ने दलले प्रचार गरेको क्रामाकपा महासचिव राईले आरोप लगाउँदै तर जीटीए दार्जीलिङ जिल्लाको तीनवटा महकुमालाई लिएर विकास गरिने एउटा एजेन्सी मात्र रहेको दाबी गरे।
दार्जीलिङ जिल्लाको तीन महकुमाको विकास एजेन्सीलाई देखाएर सबै गोर्खाहरूको समस्याको समाधान भएको देखाउनु छुट्टै राज्यको मुद्दाको निम्ति हानिकारक रहेको राईले बताउँदै यसैको विरोधमा गोर्खाल्याण्ड टास्क पोर्स अनि क्रामाकपा आफैले पनि देशका विभिन्न सङ्गठनहरूसित मिलेर जीटीए गोर्खाहरूको समस्याको समाधान होइन अनि छुट्टै राज्य नै गोर्खाहरूको समस्याको समाधान रहेको बताउने कार्य भइरहेको छ तिनले दाबी गरे। यसैको निम्ति गोर्खाल्याण्ड टास्क फोर्सले उत्तरपूर्वि क्षेत्रमा छुट्टै राज्यको औचित्य बुझाउने कार्यक्रम गरिरहेको अनि अर्कोतिर छुट्टैराज्य पक्षधर कम्युनिष्ट सङ्गठनहरूसित मिलेर क्रामाकपाले पनि विभिन्न कार्यक्रम गरिरहेको राईले बताएका छन्। तिनले भने, जीटीए छुट्टै राज्यको मुद्दाको मार्गमा बाधक बनेको छ। मोर्चाले गरेको भूललाई सच्याउने कार्य भइरहेको छ। छुट्टै राज्यको मुद्दा जिउँदै रहेको छ भन्ने कुरा प्रमाणित गर्ने कार्य जारी छ। अहिले मोर्चाले जीटीएको प्रस्ताव खारेज गरेर छुट्टै राज्यको निम्ति आन्दोलन गर्छ भने यस्तो पहललाई स्वागत जनाउनुपर्छ।
तिनी अनुसार यतिबेला छुट्टै राज्यको निम्ति एकता देखाउने परिस्थिति छ। एउटै मञ्चमा आउन नसके पनि विभिन्न सङ्गठनबाट नै होस् तर केवल एउटा मुद्दा छुट्टैराज्यको निम्ति मात्र आन्दोलित भएमा केन्द्रले मुद्दाप्रतिको एकता देखिहाल्ने छन्। यही एकता देखाएर नै सबैले आफ्नो आफ्नो पक्षबाट चाप दिन सके मुद्दाको निम्ति धेरै फाइदाजनक कदम हुनेछ। अर्कोतिर जीएलओ नेता छत्र सुब्बाले गर्ने भनिरहेको आन्दोलनलाई पनि क्रामाकपाले स्वागत जनाएको छ। तिनले भने, छत्र सुब्बा गोर्खाल्याण्डको कट्टर आन्दोलनकारी रहेको दाबी गर्दै तिनको मुक्तिको निम्ति क्रामाकपाले जति पनि आन्दोलन गर्यो,त्यसमा कुनै स्वार्थ थिएन भनि स्पष्ट पारेका छन। तिनलाई मुक्त गरेर क्रामाकपामा ल्याउने सोंच थिएन, तर आन्दोलनकारी बिनाकारण सरकारी षढयन्त्रमा परेर जेलमा सडाउनु क्रामाकपालाई उचित लागेन। तिनको मुक्तिको निम्ति नै क्रामाकपाले आन्दोलन गरेको थियो। अहिले तिनले पनि छुट्टै राज्यको आन्दोलन गर्छ भने क्रामाकपाले यसलाई स्वागत गर्ने बताउँदै आन्दोलनकारी मान्छेले गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दालाई अघि बडाउँनुपर्ने सुझाव राखे।
दार्जीलिङ जिल्लामा कृषि बिकाशको निम्ति बिभागीय उदाशीनता बारे कृषक कल्याण संगठनको क्षोभ
डी के वाइबा, कालिमन्युज, कालेबुङ, 4 फरवरी। दार्जीलिङ जिल्लामा कृषि बिकाशको निम्ति बिभागीय उदाशीनता बारे कृषक कल्याण संगठनले प्रश्न उठाएको छ। कोलकातामा कालेबुङ कृषक कल्याण सङ्गठनको दस सदस्यीय टोलीले एग्रिकल्चर विभागका प्रिन्सिपल सेक्रेटेरी हृदय मोहनसित भेट गरेर उक्त प्रश्न उठाएको छ। कृषक कल्याण संगठनका महासचिव बिष्णु छेत्रीले जिल्लामा वाटरशेड योजनामा भइरहेको धॉंधली र दागोपापको रवैयामाथि पनि टोलीले प्रिन्सिपल सेक्रेटेरी मोहनसित कुराकानी गरेको जानकारी दिएका छन। संगठनका प्रतिनिधी टोलिले प्रिन्सिपल सेक्रेटेरी हृदय मोहनलाई ज्ञापन चढाउँदै दार्जीलिङ जिल्लामा पाँचवटा कृषि अधिकारी, चारवटा विषय विशेषज्ञ, दुई जना उद्यान अधिकारी, एकजना सहयोगी अधिकारी, चालिस जना कृषि प्रयुक्त सहायकको रिक्त पदमा शीघ्र नै नियुक्त गरिनुपर्ने माग गरेको तिनले थप जानकारी दिएका छन।
सङ्गठनका सचिव विष्णु छेत्रीले बताए अनुसार दार्जीलिङमा विभागीय रवैया उदासीन छ तर देखावटीमा दार्जीलिङ जिल्लाको निम्ति धेरै नै काम गरिएको हल्ला पिटिने भएकोले जिल्लाको कृषि क्षेत्र विकास हुन सकेको छैन। तिनले भने, यत्रो पद् आखिर किन रिक्त छ? गाई बॉंध्नेहरूले सोझै दार्जीलिङका कृषकहरूको विकासको पक्षमा सरकार र विभाग नरहेको नै बुझ्ने छन्। जिल्लामा कृषि विकास हुनु हो भने रिक्त पद्मा शीघ्र्र नै नियुक्त गरिनुपर्छ। प्रिन्सिपल सेक्रेटेरी ह्रदेयस मोहनले यस सम्बन्धमा शीघ्र नै पहल गर्ने आश्वासन टोलीलाई दिएको सचिव छेत्रीले बताए। महात्म गान्धी राष्ट्रिय स्वरोजगार अधिनियम जिल्लाका कृषकहरुलाई व्यक्तिगत सहुलियत प्रदान गर्न भारत सरकारले 2008 देखि नै शुरू गरेको भए पनि दार्जीलिङ जिल्लामा अधिनियम आजसम्म किन लागू गरिएको छैन भन्ने प्रश्न पनि सङ्गठनले ज्ञापनद्वारा उठाएको छ। मोहनले यसबारे पनि छानबिन गर्ने जनाएका छन्।
सङ्गठनले शीघ्र नै योजना दार्जीलिङमा लागू हुनुपर्ने माग गरेको छ। कालेबुङको डुङ्ग्रामा 500 हेक्टर जमीनमा राष्ट्रिय वाटरशेड स्कीमको निम्ति 34 लाख रुपियॉं आवन्टित गरिएको थियो। यसको निम्ति प्रारम्भिक चरणमा दुइ लाख रुपियॉं वाटरशेड कमिटीलाई 2008 मा नै कार्य गर्न दागोपापद्वारा दिइएको थियो तर पछिबाट अरु राशि दिइएन। जसको कारण यो स्कीम थॉंतीमा रहेको थियो। सङ्गठनको यसबारेमा पनि प्रिन्सिपल सेक्रेटेरीसित कुरा राखेको छेत्रीले बताए। तिनले पहाडामा बिभिन्न सरकारी परियोजनाहरुमा धाँधली भईरहेको बताउँदै यसबारे बिभागले यथाशिघ्र जाँच गरेर कार्वाही गर्नुपर्ने संगठनले मुख्य सचिवलाई अवगत गराएको तिनले बताए।
Enough of Bundh
TT, Feb. 4: Chief minister Mamata Banerjee today again voiced her opposition to bandhs and strikes.
Flagging off a Rs 2,500-crore foundry park at Howrah’s Panchla, she said: “There have been enough bandhs and strikes in the past 34 years. Now, we have to ensure that nothing disrupts the progress of Bengal. We must focus on development.”
Mamata has repeatedly objected to bandhs and other disruptive tactics since the tide turned in the Trinamul Congress’s favour after the 2009 Lok Sabha polls.
.iNDECENT PROPOSAL
Poulomi Banerjee, TT, 4 February: More and more women are being hounded by harassers on the Internet. Sharmila Bose, a 32-year-old city professional, deleted her Orkut account five years ago. The reason? She could not cope with the “filthy” scraps that were being posted on her page. “They were not links to any site, just very explicit messages meant for me. It was traumatic,” she recalls. If that wasn’t enough, two fellow professionals on her list of Orkut friends started an online fight over her. “They were using my account to call each other names and asking me whether I was in love with the other,” says Sharmila. Now on Facebook, she is selective in accepting friend requests and extra careful while posting something.
The roadside Romeo, the stalker, the groper on public transport and the lecherous senior in office have all moved online and taken sexual harassment along with them. And the trauma their victims suffer is no less in the virtual world.
Often the pain and suspicion take a toll on real-life relations. Like in the case of Moushumi Das, who, along with women colleagues at an NGO, had been receiving obscene emails at their office addresses.
“We started suspecting our male colleagues and the atmosphere in the office changed. This continued until police found out that an outsider was sending the emails,” she says.
Sometimes, the transition of real-life relationships to the virtual world is choppy, especially for women. Physical distance emboldens the abuser. As 18-year-old student Nandini Bose found out after uploading some pictures of her at a party on Facebook. “Nice b**bs,” posted a male classmate below a picture. He was someone she met almost every day and he had never made such a comment in front of her.
Easy anonymity, too, plays its part. Thirty-year-old Anuradha Mukherjee used to receive poems from an anonymous person. “There was no name but I am sure it was someone I knew. There was nothing overtly sexual but he wrote about my hair, skin, complexion, eyes, nose-ring… It was graphic, like he was touching me,” she recalls.
The abusers are often known to those they harass, according to joint commissioner (crime) Damayanti Sen. “We have seen a rise in cyber-crime cases in the past year or two. In 90 per cent of the cases, the abuser is known to the victim, whether it is a jilted lover or an ex-colleague,” she says.
Sen cites a recent case, where the lover of a married woman had posted video clips of their intimate moments on the Internet when the woman decided to go back to her husband. In most such cases, the joint commissioner says, the complainant only wants the objectionable matter removed from the Net. Very few want to pursue the matter and get the harasser punished.
“There is no legal definition of sexual harassment. Anything with sexual intent that the victim finds disturbing can be sexual harassment,” says criminal lawyer Jayanta Narayan Chatterjee, who practices in the high court. So posting links to pornographic sites or pictures, sending sexually explicit messages or posting pictures or videos of a person in a compromising position without permission are all potentially acts of sexual harassment. Even comments like “hot” and “sexy”, which have replaced “pretty” and “beautiful” on social networks, can be disturbing. “But we get almost no online sexual harassment cases. Such trials can be lengthy and often the abuser can get off on bail. Also, very few women want to go to court and face the defence lawyer’s questions,” says Chatterjee. Like in eve-teasing, cyber harassment is often neglected.
Ignorance of the law is another reason victims remain mum. In the US and Europe, online sexual harassment has been a topic of discussion and seminars for several years. But India has just about started talking about it. When explicit messages were posted in 33-year-old corporate communication professional Himani Chakraborty’s name on Facebook, she informed all her friends that her account had been hacked but did not consider going to the cops. “Maybe if the problem had continued, I would have,” she says.
Not that there are many deterrent laws. The Information Technology Act 2000 As Amended By 2008 came into effect in 2009. Before that there was no specific law for cyber crime. Section 66E of the act says: “Whoever, intentionally or knowingly captures, publishes or transmits the image of a private area of any person without his or her consent, under circumstances violating the privacy of that person, shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years or with fine not exceeding two lakh rupees, or with both.”
Parts of Section 67 of the IT act deal with “punishment for publishing or transmitting obscene material in electronic form” and “punishment for publishing or transmitting of material containing sexually explicit act, etc. in electronic form”.
But sexually explicit messages, which is the most common and one of the most damaging tools of harassment, is not clearly mentioned, says Chatterjee.
Radha Chatterjee, a city professional, was shocked when a work contact got in touch with her over Facebook to ask if she wanted to be his “f**k buddy”. “I kept wondering what had made him think that he could ask such a question,” says the 28-year-old.
Section 354 of the IPC mentions “assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty”. There are also sections on sexual harassment at the workplace and misconduct by a person in public. But even the lawyers are unsure of whether public can mean a public social network or stalking online.
Which happens. “A few years back, a guy sent me a friend request with a message saying he had seen my posts on some friend’s wall and would like to be my friend. I didn’t accept his request but he continued to message me, talking in detail about what I had said to so and so on such and such occasion. It was creepy,” says 30-year-old Pinky Bose.
The high court lawyer explains: “Cyber crime is such a new field that the laws are still being interpreted. But often the abuser is more tech savvy than the police or the lawyers.”
The reach of social networks is a disadvantage in some cases. If the offensive material uploaded has been passed on, it is difficult to check the damage. Three years back, 23-year-old Smriti Dasgupta started getting calls from unknown men on her cellphone. “One of the callers said he got my number from Orkut. Someone had created a fake profile with some name, someone else’s picture and my mobile number. I filed a general diary at the local police station but it didn’t help,” she says.
There is no way one can protect oneself from such a random assault but author and blogger Arnab Ray feels there is no alternative to being careful. “The trick is not to divulge too much about oneself or one’s family and private life on an online forum,” he says.
And the websites themselves, feels cyber crusader Vinay Rai, should be more responsible. “Fake accounts on Facebook are so common. The site can always provide a clue to the real identity of the person by saying what email id was used to create the profile,” he says.
Facebook, does have an option of “reporting” an user or a photo if someone thinks that the profile is fake or the person is harassing someone or the content is objectionable. But for those smarting from an obscene overture, reporting to a nameless entity without knowing what action will be taken is often of little comfort.
A Very Short Introduction to The History and Issues of GORKHALAND
Munish Tamang, Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh ( Published by Gorkhaland Task Force, Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh.)
Who Are The Gorkhas?
Indian Gorkhas are indigenous people living all along the Himalayan belt and the North-East states of India. The Gorkhas inhabit areas in J&K, Himachal, Uttarakhand, Sikkim, Darjeeling, Assam, and all other states in the North-East region of India.In all of these regions the Gorkhas have a long history going back to the pre-independence days. In fact, the history of some of these places begins with the history of the Gorkhas. They have contributed to the history of these places as soldiers, administrators, plantation workers, agriculturalists, and as educationists.
Today, the Gorkhas also live in the major cities of India such as Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkota, Bengaluru, and Chennai. The Gorkhas have made very significant contributions to the Indian Freedom Struggle. Many young Gorkha soldiers laid down their lives during the Freedom Struggle. Major Durga Malla, who was hanged by the British on 25th August 1944 at the Central Jail in Delhi, is a shining example of the Gorkha contribution to the Indian Freedom Struggle.
The Gorkhas also articipated in Gandhi’s Dandi March and were close associates of Gandhi and other national leaders at various fora. Post-independence, Gorkhas have richly contributed to the nation-building as brave soldiers defending the borders of India, members of the Constituent Assembly, Parliamentarians, Chief Ministers, MLAs, educationists, academicians, administrators, journalists, writers, sportspersons, and artists. Gorkhas speak Nepali language which is included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India. Nepali language is also recognized by the Sahitya Akademi as one of the major Indian languages.
Eminent Gorkhas in the Indian Story
Enumerating the eminent Indian Gorkhas can be a huge, independent project in itself. Gorkhas have excelled in all walks of life. Therefore, this section will limit itself only to mentioning a few Gorkhas in the context of the narrative of the making of India. Durga Malla and Dal Bahadur Thapa were young soldiers of the INA who were captured by the British and sent to the gallows in 1944.
These young soldiers were two of the dozens of Gorkhas who happily sacrifices their lives for the cause of the Freedom Movement. A statue of Durga Malla now adorns the precincts of the Parliament where it was unveiled in 2004 by the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh in the presence of the UPA Chairperson Smt. Sonia Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition Sh. L.K. Advani, and the Speaker of Lok Sabha Sh. Somnath Chatterjeee, and a host of other leaders.
In 1921, the Assam ssociation, which played a major role in maintaining the unity and integrity of Assam at the time of the Partition of Bengal in 1905, decided to merge itself in the newly formed Assam Provincial Congress Committee (APCC), an affiliate of the Indian National Congress. Chobilal Upadhyay, a Gorkha, was the first president of the APCC. Thus, a Gorkha played a very prominent role in the Indian National Movement in Assam.Dal Bahadur Giri was closely associated with the Indian National Congress and he attended several All India Congress sessions in various parts of India. He was instrumental in mobilizing hundreds of Gorkhas for the Freedom Movement and was arrested several times for his involvement in the movement. His health was adversely affected by the imprisonments and he died in 1924 at the young age of thirty six.
Gandhi condoled his death in Young India of 13th November 1924. Gandhi wrote: Dalbahadur Giri…was one of the bravest of national workers…. He was a cultured Gorkha and was doing good works among the Gorkhas in the nearby Darjeeling. During 1921, in common with the thousands, he was imprisoned for the non-cooperation activities. Pritiman Thapa was the editor of the revolutionary Nepali magazine, Gorkha Sathi, published from Calcutta in 1907. He called upon the Gorkha soldiers to fight against the British. The Commissioner of Police in Calcutta mentioned him in a telegram sent on 28th May, 1907 to the Director of Criminal Intelligence.
The telegram mentions him and his activities: “A Nepalese, Prithiman Thapa, addresses a meeting at Calcutta Square, 27th evening. About 200 present. Advocated publishing monthly newspapers for distribution for Gorkha Soldiers…” Damber Singh Gurung and Ari Bahadur Gurung were among the founding fathers of the Indian Constitution. They were active participants in the debates of the Constituent Assembly of India. Ari Bahadur, Bar-at-Law from Darjeeling, was one of the signatories to the Constitution of India.
Helen Lepcha was actively involved in the Freedom Movement and was very close to Gandhi who gave her the name ‘Savitri Devi”. She was very active in the movement in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Ram Singh Thakuri deserves a special mention in any narrative of the Indian Freedom Movement. He was a great patriot who gave India some of her best loved patriotic tunes. His well known compositions include Kadam Kadam Badaye Ja, Azad Hind ke Jawan, and Laheraye Tiranga Pyara. Subhas Chandra Bose was a great admirer of his compositions and presented him with a violin. Ram Singh Thakuri played this very violin when he was invited by Nehru to present the Quami Tarana (National Anthem) of the Provisional Government of free India on 15th August 1947.
The song presented was:
Shubha sukha chain ki barkha barse,
Bharat bhaag hai jaaga.
Punjab, Sindh, Gujarat, Maratha,
Dravid, Utkal, Banga,
Chanchal sagar, Vindh, Himaalay,
Neela Jamuna, Ganga.
Tere nit gun gaayen,
Tujh se jivan paayen,
Har tan paaye asha.
Suraj ban kar jag par chamke,
Bharat naam subhaga,
Jai ho, jai ho, jai ho,
Jai, jai, jai, jai ho.
The song was the Hindustani translation of Rabindranath Tagore’s Jana, Gana, Mana. Gorkhas take great pride in the fact that the tune composed by Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri has now become the tune of the National Anthem of India.
Gorkhaland Demand
The demand for Gorkhaland is based on the provision in Article 3(a) of the Constitution of India.
3. Formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing States.—Parliament may by law—
(a) form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State. It is pertinent to note that the demand for Gorkhaland has always meant the creation of a new state within India and never has the demand had any separatist tone. The new state that the Indian Gorkhas have been demanding would be created out of Bengal the same way the state of Gujarat was created out of Bombay, Haryana out of Punjab, Andhra Pradesh out of Madras, Uttarakhand out of UP, Jharkhand out of Bihar, and Chhatisgarh out of Madhya Pradesh. Just as the creation of these states have gone on to contribute to the richness and diversity of India and has also led to more efficient governance, so also the creation of Gorkhaland would only be in the larger interest of the nation.
Location of Gorkhaland
The state of Gorkhaland in the Union of India is to be created by carving out the Darjeeling District and the Dooars area of Jalpaiguri in West Bengal. The demand for Gorkhaland in this area is not a recent development fuelled by political motives. The demand for the recognition of the distinctiveness of the region was made as early as in 1907 and has been represented through various memoranda, Parliamentary bills, negotiations, and manifestly in the form of two mass-movements- first in the 1980s and then in the first decade of this century. Experts following the history of the demand have listed twenty-six occasions when the demand for Gorkhaland has been articulated. The long history of the movement not only proves its antiquity but also establishes the distinct history of the region.
Some of the major markers in the time-line of the demand for Gorkhaland are :
1907 – Joint petition of Nepalis, Bhutias, Lepchas.
1917 – Petition of the Hillmen’s Association to Edwin Montague, Secretary of State for India.
An extract from the petition:
“Darjeeling’s inclusion in Bengal was comparatively recent and only because the British were rulers common to both places. …Historically, culturally, ethnically, socially, religiously, linguistically there was no affinity whatsoever between Bengal and Darjeeling.” The petition further stated that, “In laying down the plans for the future, the Government should aim at the creation of a separate unit comprising of the present Darjeeling District with the portion of Jalpaiguri District which was annexed from Bhutan in 1865.” Jalpaiguri District which was annexed from Bhutan in 1865.” 1929 – Petition to the Simon Commission 1947 – The Communist Party of India Memorandum to the Constituent Assembly on 6th April 1947 for GORKHASTHAN.
1955 – Memorandum to the visiting Chairman of the State Reorganisation Commission.
An extract: “The Kochayas, Meches, Lepchas, Bhutias, Nepalis and Rajbanshis are the original inhabitants of this district whose customs, systems and traditions fundamentally differ from that of the rest of West Bengal. …I put forward this profound demand of the creation of a part ‘C’ State of North Bengal inclusive of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar districts…” 1986 – 1200 people killed in the mass movement for Gorkhaland. 1996 – CPM Sitting Lok Sabha MP from Darjeeling, R. B. Rai breaks away from the party on the issue of Gorkhaland. Along with his supporters, forms Communist Party revolutionary Marxist (CPRM) in support of Gorkhaland. 1996 – Resolution passed for creation of Gorkhaland in an emergent meeting of the General Council of DGHC on 5th November at Durbar Hall, Lal Kothi, Darjeeling.
2007 – Second mass movement for Gorkhaland.
2011 – Sikkim Legislative Assembly passes a resolution in favour of the formation of Gorkhaland.
The Distinctiveness of Darjeeling-Dooars
There is absolutely no denying the fact that the proposed Gorkhaland area of the Darjeeling-Dooars does not share a common history or culture with the rest of Bengal. In The Bengal District Gazetters A.J Dash records:
The District was part of the dominions of the Raja of Sikkim….. The District was included in the Rajshahi Division until October 1905 when, as a result of the partition of Bengal, it was transferred to the Bhagalpur Division. With the re-arrangement of the provinces it was re-transferred to the Rajshahi Division in March 1912.1 1 Dash, Arthur Jules, Bengal District Gazetteers : Darjeeling. Alipore, Bengal : Bengal Government Press, 1947.
Interestingly, the Information Document titled Gorkhaland Agitation published by the West Bengal Government in the year 1986 to “set out in detail the essential facts and information” has this to offer as the history of Darjeeling-Dooars:
Historically, what is known as the district of Darjeeling today was parts of two kingdoms during the pre-British period – the kingdoms of Sikkim and Bhutan. Following wars and treaties signed with these two kingdoms, this territory came under control of the British Empire in India2. The Government of India Act (1919) Section 52 A (2) listed Darjeeling in Bengal as one of the Partially Excluded Tracts.
The Interim report of the Excluded and partially Excluded Areas Sub- Committee of the Constituent Assembly of India also took note of the distinctiveness of the region. The report notes that “the partial exclusion of Darjeeling was recommended by the Govt. of Bengal not because it was considered as a backward area but because it was felt that safeguards were necessary in the interests of the hill people.” The report also goes on to acknowledge the aspiration of the people of the region by recording that “the Gurkha League desires that there should be an elected Advisory Council in the District so that the interests of the Gurkhas in representation in the services, in the land and industry of the district may be protected.”
That the proposed Gorkhaland region is a much later addition to Bengal is made amply clear by The Absorbed Areas (Laws) Act, 1954 Schedule V which lists Darjeeling District as absorbed in the state of West Bengal. It may be noted that while Darjeeling was ‘absorbed’, Chandernagore was ‘merged’ by the Chandernagore Merger Act, 1954.
It is not difficult to comprehend that the Darjeeling-Dooars quite accidently came to be part of the present West Bengal map. The State Reorganisation Commission in its report of 1955 explains how states and provinces came to be organized in British India:
The existing structure of the States of the Indian Union is partly the result of accident and the circumstances attending the growth of the British power in India and partly a by-product of the historic process of the integration of former Indian States….The map of the territories annexed and directly administered by the British was also not shapedby any rational or scientific planning but ‘by the military, political or administrative exigencies or conveniences of the moment’. ”
3 Responses to Gorkhaland
1.Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council
Following the agitation that began in 1986, a tripartite agreement was reached between Government of India, Government of West Bengal, and Gorkha National Liberation Front on 25th July 1988 to set up an autonomous Hill Council (DGHC) under a State Act for “the social, economic, educational, and cultural advancement of the people residing in the Hill areas of Darjeeling District”. The Council covered the three hill sub-divisions of Darjeeling district and a few Mouzas within the Siliguri sub-division.
The Council was given limited executive powers but in the absence of legislative powers the aspirations of the people of the region could not be addressed. The non-inclusion of the Dooars region in the Council became a major reason of discontent. The people of the Dooars had equally participated in the movement and thus felt betrayed. The Council also created a divide between the Hills and the Dooars which till then had shared a common history and heritage.
All of these factors had created serious fault-lines in the Council right at the time of its inception. Over a period, these fault lines, along with the apathy of the state government, led to a renewal of the voices demanding Gorkhaland. Later, the elected councilors resigned en masse in support of Gorkhaland on 21st March 2005.
2.Government of West Bengal. Gorkhaland Agitation:The Issues. Information Document. Calcutta, 1986. p 4.
3.Report of the State Reorganisation Commission, 1955. Part I, Chapter1, para1.
Proposal to Include Darjeeling in the Sixth Schedule
In 2007, the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of West Bengal and the Council administrator, brought two amendment bills to the Parliament – Sixth Schedule to the Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2007 and the Constitution (107th Amendment) Bill, 2007 These bills sought to provide Sixth Schedule status for the Darjeeling Hill Areas.
Given the serious trust deficit in the Hills about the functioning of the Administration and the State Government, the two bills were seen as another conspiracy to deny the aspiration of the people. Following opposition the Bill was referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs which was headed by Sushma Swaraj. In the hearings held by the Committee, all Gorkha groups rejected the proposal and reiterated that the aspirations of the people could only be met by the creation of a State. Based on the hearings and consultations, the report presented to the Rajya Sabha recorded, “The committee would like to caution and advise the ministry of home affairs (MHA) to make a fresh assessment of the ground realities all over again before proceeding with the Bills in the two Houses of Parliament.”4
Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA)
With rising discontent against the Council administration and the shelving of the proposal of Sixth Schedule status to the region, another wave of a mass movement for Gorkhaland began in 2007.The Chairman of the Council was dislodged and banished along with his party members. A new leadership took over the movement. After three years of agitation for a state of Gorkhaland, the party leading the movement reached an agreement with the state government to form a semi-autonomous body to administer the Darjeeling hills.
The Memorandum of Agreement for GTA was signed on 18 July 2011 at Pintail Village near Siliguri in the presence of Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and movement leaders. A bill for the creation of GTA was passed in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly on 2 September 2011. The GTA will have administrative, executive and financial powers but no legislative powers.
The GTA agreement too has apparent inbuilt fault-lines. First, lack of legislative powers means that the people of the region have no control over laws to govern themselves by. The most basic instrument to meet the aspirations of the people has thus been denied to them. Second, Dooars again has been left out and instead a verification team has been set to identify “Gorkha majority” areas in the Dooars. Once again, this is a political ploy to divide Dooars. United Dooars has a distinct history and culture. Diversity has been the mark of Dooars culture as the Gorkhas, Adivasis, Rajbongshis, Bengalis, Meches, Boros and other people groups have lived alongside each other for decades. The move to identify “Gorkha majority” areas will not only deny the aspiration of the people of the region but will also divide the area along communal lines.
Demand for Gorkhaland still exists
Even though the GTA is signed, the voices demanding Gorkhaland refuse to die down. For fear of backlash, the signatory party to the GTA keeps harping about Gorkhaland and making ambiguous statements about both the GTA and Gorkhaland. Besides being seen as a major climb-down from the demand for a state, the agreement is also perceived as a betrayal of the peoples’ aspiration of a state of their own. Dooars, of course, continues to simmer.
The history of the movement and the responses to the movement clearly illustrate that the demand is for nothing short of a full-fledged state and that any other administrative arrangement will only fail. As long as the complete power to legislate is not made available to the people of the region all arrangements will only prove to be temporary and futile.
4. 129th Report on the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution (Amendment) bill, 2007 and the Constitution (107th Amendment) Bill, 2007. Rajya Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi, February, 2008. Para 7.11.
Gorkhaland is NOT just about Darjeeling
Although exact figures are not available, most estimates put the Indian Gorkha population at 1 crore twenty lakhs. Of these, only about 20 lakhs are in Darjeeling-Dooars region – the part of Bengal which now seeks to become Gorkhaland. That gives rise to a very pertinent question – how can a region that comprises of only 1/6th of the total Indian Gorkha population seek to champion the cause of a Gorkha State in India?
Before we go into the reasons for the demand for Gorkhaland, we would do well to remember that the demand has support from Gorkhas across the length and breadth of India. Gorkhas from all parts of India have supported the demand for Gorkhaland in Darjeeling Dooars area. It is therefore very obvious that the demand for Gorkhaland is not just a demand of the people of Darjeeling. And it is also very obvious that the demand does NOT pertain only to concerns that relate to Darjeeling. For had it been only about issues relating to Darjeeling, the demand would not have garnered the kind of pan India support that it now banks upon. Indeed, most of the Indian Gorkhas have very little to do with Darjeeling. Why should they then be bothered about the political developments in Darjeeling? What difference does it make to them if Darjeeling-Dooars is declared as another of the Indian states? Obviously none. And yet the support.
Gorkhaland is about the National, Political Identity of the Gorkhas
The reason why all Gorkhas support the demand is because all of them understand that the demand is about seeking a solution to the problem that vexes all of the Indian Gorkhas. The one problem that all Indian Gorkhas face irrespective of which part of India they come from is the constant, irresponsible and extremely offending interrogation of their Indian Identity. What this problem means is that every Indian Gorkha’s identity as an Indian is constantly put under scrutiny. Sometimes this suspicion comes in the form of such innocuous questions as “which part of Nepal do you come from?” to such serious allegations as being foreigners or illegal migrants. That Gorkhas are as much indigenous people as any other Indian would come as a huge surprise to many. For most – and that includes the so called respected academicians – Nepali speaking Gorkhas are from Nepal.
The misconception is so widespread and deep rooted that it simply refuses to go away. No amount of references to historical facts seem to be able to dispel the ignorance. The demand for Gorkhaland is therefore the demand that Gorkhas be recognized as Indians and be given their rightful place. It is the belief of all Indian Gorkhas that a state for Gorkhas would once and for all solve the crisis of Indian Gorkha Identity. A state for Gorkhas in India would prove that the Gorkhas are Indians.
It is this belief that unites Gorkhas all over India. It is clear that the demand for Gorkhaland is not JUST for economic reasons. It is not about the region of Darjeeling and Dooars being in a state of neglect. Yes, the region lacks in development and could be better administered but that is not the point. The people in Darjeeling know as much as the people outside do that the demand is about securing the identity of the Gorkhas as Indians.
Had it been about issues of development, the people of Darjeeling could have done without a state and have easily accepted and lived with arrangements such as the DGHC or the Sixth Schedule status to the region. Such arrangements envisaged some autonomy in governance and could have paved way for increased economic development. However, the arrangements were just placatory gestures that sought to misread the aspirations of the Indian Gorkhas in general and the people of Darjeeling in particular.
The Gorkhas do not aspire to merely having greater financial or administrative control. They aspire to completely immerse themselves in the Indian identity. And that is why all Gorkhas across the political and social spectrum unanimously rejected something that sought to address only the problem of Darjeeling. That the proposal was overwhelmingly rejected by the people of Darjeeling only proves that even for the people of Darjeeling Gorkhaland is not just about Darjeeling or its economic development; it is about the identity of every single Indian Gorkha.
Only the creation of a full-fledged State can bring a lasting and complete solution to the issue of Gorkhaland. All other arrangements fall far short of the aspirations of the people and can only provide artificial and temporary solutions.
Enough of Bundh
 |
| Mamata at the zari hub in Sankrail. (Gopal Senapati) |
Flagging off a Rs 2,500-crore foundry park at Howrah’s Panchla, she said: “There have been enough bandhs and strikes in the past 34 years. Now, we have to ensure that nothing disrupts the progress of Bengal. We must focus on development.”
Mamata has repeatedly objected to bandhs and other disruptive tactics since the tide turned in the Trinamul Congress’s favour after the 2009 Lok Sabha polls.
.iNDECENT PROPOSAL
Poulomi Banerjee, TT, 4 February: More and more women are being hounded by harassers on the Internet. Sharmila Bose, a 32-year-old city professional, deleted her Orkut account five years ago. The reason? She could not cope with the “filthy” scraps that were being posted on her page. “They were not links to any site, just very explicit messages meant for me. It was traumatic,” she recalls. If that wasn’t enough, two fellow professionals on her list of Orkut friends started an online fight over her. “They were using my account to call each other names and asking me whether I was in love with the other,” says Sharmila. Now on Facebook, she is selective in accepting friend requests and extra careful while posting something.The roadside Romeo, the stalker, the groper on public transport and the lecherous senior in office have all moved online and taken sexual harassment along with them. And the trauma their victims suffer is no less in the virtual world.
Often the pain and suspicion take a toll on real-life relations. Like in the case of Moushumi Das, who, along with women colleagues at an NGO, had been receiving obscene emails at their office addresses.
“We started suspecting our male colleagues and the atmosphere in the office changed. This continued until police found out that an outsider was sending the emails,” she says.
Sometimes, the transition of real-life relationships to the virtual world is choppy, especially for women. Physical distance emboldens the abuser. As 18-year-old student Nandini Bose found out after uploading some pictures of her at a party on Facebook. “Nice b**bs,” posted a male classmate below a picture. He was someone she met almost every day and he had never made such a comment in front of her.
Easy anonymity, too, plays its part. Thirty-year-old Anuradha Mukherjee used to receive poems from an anonymous person. “There was no name but I am sure it was someone I knew. There was nothing overtly sexual but he wrote about my hair, skin, complexion, eyes, nose-ring… It was graphic, like he was touching me,” she recalls.
The abusers are often known to those they harass, according to joint commissioner (crime) Damayanti Sen. “We have seen a rise in cyber-crime cases in the past year or two. In 90 per cent of the cases, the abuser is known to the victim, whether it is a jilted lover or an ex-colleague,” she says.
Sen cites a recent case, where the lover of a married woman had posted video clips of their intimate moments on the Internet when the woman decided to go back to her husband. In most such cases, the joint commissioner says, the complainant only wants the objectionable matter removed from the Net. Very few want to pursue the matter and get the harasser punished.
“There is no legal definition of sexual harassment. Anything with sexual intent that the victim finds disturbing can be sexual harassment,” says criminal lawyer Jayanta Narayan Chatterjee, who practices in the high court. So posting links to pornographic sites or pictures, sending sexually explicit messages or posting pictures or videos of a person in a compromising position without permission are all potentially acts of sexual harassment. Even comments like “hot” and “sexy”, which have replaced “pretty” and “beautiful” on social networks, can be disturbing. “But we get almost no online sexual harassment cases. Such trials can be lengthy and often the abuser can get off on bail. Also, very few women want to go to court and face the defence lawyer’s questions,” says Chatterjee. Like in eve-teasing, cyber harassment is often neglected.
Ignorance of the law is another reason victims remain mum. In the US and Europe, online sexual harassment has been a topic of discussion and seminars for several years. But India has just about started talking about it. When explicit messages were posted in 33-year-old corporate communication professional Himani Chakraborty’s name on Facebook, she informed all her friends that her account had been hacked but did not consider going to the cops. “Maybe if the problem had continued, I would have,” she says.
Not that there are many deterrent laws. The Information Technology Act 2000 As Amended By 2008 came into effect in 2009. Before that there was no specific law for cyber crime. Section 66E of the act says: “Whoever, intentionally or knowingly captures, publishes or transmits the image of a private area of any person without his or her consent, under circumstances violating the privacy of that person, shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years or with fine not exceeding two lakh rupees, or with both.”
Parts of Section 67 of the IT act deal with “punishment for publishing or transmitting obscene material in electronic form” and “punishment for publishing or transmitting of material containing sexually explicit act, etc. in electronic form”.
But sexually explicit messages, which is the most common and one of the most damaging tools of harassment, is not clearly mentioned, says Chatterjee.
Radha Chatterjee, a city professional, was shocked when a work contact got in touch with her over Facebook to ask if she wanted to be his “f**k buddy”. “I kept wondering what had made him think that he could ask such a question,” says the 28-year-old.
Section 354 of the IPC mentions “assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty”. There are also sections on sexual harassment at the workplace and misconduct by a person in public. But even the lawyers are unsure of whether public can mean a public social network or stalking online.
Which happens. “A few years back, a guy sent me a friend request with a message saying he had seen my posts on some friend’s wall and would like to be my friend. I didn’t accept his request but he continued to message me, talking in detail about what I had said to so and so on such and such occasion. It was creepy,” says 30-year-old Pinky Bose.
The high court lawyer explains: “Cyber crime is such a new field that the laws are still being interpreted. But often the abuser is more tech savvy than the police or the lawyers.”
The reach of social networks is a disadvantage in some cases. If the offensive material uploaded has been passed on, it is difficult to check the damage. Three years back, 23-year-old Smriti Dasgupta started getting calls from unknown men on her cellphone. “One of the callers said he got my number from Orkut. Someone had created a fake profile with some name, someone else’s picture and my mobile number. I filed a general diary at the local police station but it didn’t help,” she says.
There is no way one can protect oneself from such a random assault but author and blogger Arnab Ray feels there is no alternative to being careful. “The trick is not to divulge too much about oneself or one’s family and private life on an online forum,” he says.
And the websites themselves, feels cyber crusader Vinay Rai, should be more responsible. “Fake accounts on Facebook are so common. The site can always provide a clue to the real identity of the person by saying what email id was used to create the profile,” he says.
Facebook, does have an option of “reporting” an user or a photo if someone thinks that the profile is fake or the person is harassing someone or the content is objectionable. But for those smarting from an obscene overture, reporting to a nameless entity without knowing what action will be taken is often of little comfort.
A Very Short Introduction to The History and Issues of GORKHALAND
Munish Tamang, Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh ( Published by Gorkhaland Task Force, Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh.)
Who Are The Gorkhas?
Indian Gorkhas are indigenous people living all along the Himalayan belt and the North-East states of India. The Gorkhas inhabit areas in J&K, Himachal, Uttarakhand, Sikkim, Darjeeling, Assam, and all other states in the North-East region of India.In all of these regions the Gorkhas have a long history going back to the pre-independence days. In fact, the history of some of these places begins with the history of the Gorkhas. They have contributed to the history of these places as soldiers, administrators, plantation workers, agriculturalists, and as educationists.
Today, the Gorkhas also live in the major cities of India such as Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkota, Bengaluru, and Chennai. The Gorkhas have made very significant contributions to the Indian Freedom Struggle. Many young Gorkha soldiers laid down their lives during the Freedom Struggle. Major Durga Malla, who was hanged by the British on 25th August 1944 at the Central Jail in Delhi, is a shining example of the Gorkha contribution to the Indian Freedom Struggle.
The Gorkhas also articipated in Gandhi’s Dandi March and were close associates of Gandhi and other national leaders at various fora. Post-independence, Gorkhas have richly contributed to the nation-building as brave soldiers defending the borders of India, members of the Constituent Assembly, Parliamentarians, Chief Ministers, MLAs, educationists, academicians, administrators, journalists, writers, sportspersons, and artists. Gorkhas speak Nepali language which is included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India. Nepali language is also recognized by the Sahitya Akademi as one of the major Indian languages.
Eminent Gorkhas in the Indian Story
Enumerating the eminent Indian Gorkhas can be a huge, independent project in itself. Gorkhas have excelled in all walks of life. Therefore, this section will limit itself only to mentioning a few Gorkhas in the context of the narrative of the making of India. Durga Malla and Dal Bahadur Thapa were young soldiers of the INA who were captured by the British and sent to the gallows in 1944.
These young soldiers were two of the dozens of Gorkhas who happily sacrifices their lives for the cause of the Freedom Movement. A statue of Durga Malla now adorns the precincts of the Parliament where it was unveiled in 2004 by the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh in the presence of the UPA Chairperson Smt. Sonia Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition Sh. L.K. Advani, and the Speaker of Lok Sabha Sh. Somnath Chatterjeee, and a host of other leaders.
In 1921, the Assam ssociation, which played a major role in maintaining the unity and integrity of Assam at the time of the Partition of Bengal in 1905, decided to merge itself in the newly formed Assam Provincial Congress Committee (APCC), an affiliate of the Indian National Congress. Chobilal Upadhyay, a Gorkha, was the first president of the APCC. Thus, a Gorkha played a very prominent role in the Indian National Movement in Assam.Dal Bahadur Giri was closely associated with the Indian National Congress and he attended several All India Congress sessions in various parts of India. He was instrumental in mobilizing hundreds of Gorkhas for the Freedom Movement and was arrested several times for his involvement in the movement. His health was adversely affected by the imprisonments and he died in 1924 at the young age of thirty six.
Gandhi condoled his death in Young India of 13th November 1924. Gandhi wrote: Dalbahadur Giri…was one of the bravest of national workers…. He was a cultured Gorkha and was doing good works among the Gorkhas in the nearby Darjeeling. During 1921, in common with the thousands, he was imprisoned for the non-cooperation activities. Pritiman Thapa was the editor of the revolutionary Nepali magazine, Gorkha Sathi, published from Calcutta in 1907. He called upon the Gorkha soldiers to fight against the British. The Commissioner of Police in Calcutta mentioned him in a telegram sent on 28th May, 1907 to the Director of Criminal Intelligence.
The telegram mentions him and his activities: “A Nepalese, Prithiman Thapa, addresses a meeting at Calcutta Square, 27th evening. About 200 present. Advocated publishing monthly newspapers for distribution for Gorkha Soldiers…” Damber Singh Gurung and Ari Bahadur Gurung were among the founding fathers of the Indian Constitution. They were active participants in the debates of the Constituent Assembly of India. Ari Bahadur, Bar-at-Law from Darjeeling, was one of the signatories to the Constitution of India.
Helen Lepcha was actively involved in the Freedom Movement and was very close to Gandhi who gave her the name ‘Savitri Devi”. She was very active in the movement in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Ram Singh Thakuri deserves a special mention in any narrative of the Indian Freedom Movement. He was a great patriot who gave India some of her best loved patriotic tunes. His well known compositions include Kadam Kadam Badaye Ja, Azad Hind ke Jawan, and Laheraye Tiranga Pyara. Subhas Chandra Bose was a great admirer of his compositions and presented him with a violin. Ram Singh Thakuri played this very violin when he was invited by Nehru to present the Quami Tarana (National Anthem) of the Provisional Government of free India on 15th August 1947.
The song presented was:
Shubha sukha chain ki barkha barse,
Bharat bhaag hai jaaga.
Punjab, Sindh, Gujarat, Maratha,
Dravid, Utkal, Banga,
Chanchal sagar, Vindh, Himaalay,
Neela Jamuna, Ganga.
Tere nit gun gaayen,
Tujh se jivan paayen,
Har tan paaye asha.
Suraj ban kar jag par chamke,
Bharat naam subhaga,
Jai ho, jai ho, jai ho,
Jai, jai, jai, jai ho.
The song was the Hindustani translation of Rabindranath Tagore’s Jana, Gana, Mana. Gorkhas take great pride in the fact that the tune composed by Capt. Ram Singh Thakuri has now become the tune of the National Anthem of India.
Gorkhaland Demand
The demand for Gorkhaland is based on the provision in Article 3(a) of the Constitution of India.
3. Formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing States.—Parliament may by law—
(a) form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State. It is pertinent to note that the demand for Gorkhaland has always meant the creation of a new state within India and never has the demand had any separatist tone. The new state that the Indian Gorkhas have been demanding would be created out of Bengal the same way the state of Gujarat was created out of Bombay, Haryana out of Punjab, Andhra Pradesh out of Madras, Uttarakhand out of UP, Jharkhand out of Bihar, and Chhatisgarh out of Madhya Pradesh. Just as the creation of these states have gone on to contribute to the richness and diversity of India and has also led to more efficient governance, so also the creation of Gorkhaland would only be in the larger interest of the nation.
Location of Gorkhaland
The state of Gorkhaland in the Union of India is to be created by carving out the Darjeeling District and the Dooars area of Jalpaiguri in West Bengal. The demand for Gorkhaland in this area is not a recent development fuelled by political motives. The demand for the recognition of the distinctiveness of the region was made as early as in 1907 and has been represented through various memoranda, Parliamentary bills, negotiations, and manifestly in the form of two mass-movements- first in the 1980s and then in the first decade of this century. Experts following the history of the demand have listed twenty-six occasions when the demand for Gorkhaland has been articulated. The long history of the movement not only proves its antiquity but also establishes the distinct history of the region.
Some of the major markers in the time-line of the demand for Gorkhaland are :
1907 – Joint petition of Nepalis, Bhutias, Lepchas.
1917 – Petition of the Hillmen’s Association to Edwin Montague, Secretary of State for India.
An extract from the petition:
“Darjeeling’s inclusion in Bengal was comparatively recent and only because the British were rulers common to both places. …Historically, culturally, ethnically, socially, religiously, linguistically there was no affinity whatsoever between Bengal and Darjeeling.” The petition further stated that, “In laying down the plans for the future, the Government should aim at the creation of a separate unit comprising of the present Darjeeling District with the portion of Jalpaiguri District which was annexed from Bhutan in 1865.” Jalpaiguri District which was annexed from Bhutan in 1865.” 1929 – Petition to the Simon Commission 1947 – The Communist Party of India Memorandum to the Constituent Assembly on 6th April 1947 for GORKHASTHAN.
1955 – Memorandum to the visiting Chairman of the State Reorganisation Commission.
An extract: “The Kochayas, Meches, Lepchas, Bhutias, Nepalis and Rajbanshis are the original inhabitants of this district whose customs, systems and traditions fundamentally differ from that of the rest of West Bengal. …I put forward this profound demand of the creation of a part ‘C’ State of North Bengal inclusive of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar districts…” 1986 – 1200 people killed in the mass movement for Gorkhaland. 1996 – CPM Sitting Lok Sabha MP from Darjeeling, R. B. Rai breaks away from the party on the issue of Gorkhaland. Along with his supporters, forms Communist Party revolutionary Marxist (CPRM) in support of Gorkhaland. 1996 – Resolution passed for creation of Gorkhaland in an emergent meeting of the General Council of DGHC on 5th November at Durbar Hall, Lal Kothi, Darjeeling.
2007 – Second mass movement for Gorkhaland.
2011 – Sikkim Legislative Assembly passes a resolution in favour of the formation of Gorkhaland.
The Distinctiveness of Darjeeling-Dooars
There is absolutely no denying the fact that the proposed Gorkhaland area of the Darjeeling-Dooars does not share a common history or culture with the rest of Bengal. In The Bengal District Gazetters A.J Dash records:
The District was part of the dominions of the Raja of Sikkim….. The District was included in the Rajshahi Division until October 1905 when, as a result of the partition of Bengal, it was transferred to the Bhagalpur Division. With the re-arrangement of the provinces it was re-transferred to the Rajshahi Division in March 1912.1 1 Dash, Arthur Jules, Bengal District Gazetteers : Darjeeling. Alipore, Bengal : Bengal Government Press, 1947.
Interestingly, the Information Document titled Gorkhaland Agitation published by the West Bengal Government in the year 1986 to “set out in detail the essential facts and information” has this to offer as the history of Darjeeling-Dooars:
Historically, what is known as the district of Darjeeling today was parts of two kingdoms during the pre-British period – the kingdoms of Sikkim and Bhutan. Following wars and treaties signed with these two kingdoms, this territory came under control of the British Empire in India2. The Government of India Act (1919) Section 52 A (2) listed Darjeeling in Bengal as one of the Partially Excluded Tracts.
The Interim report of the Excluded and partially Excluded Areas Sub- Committee of the Constituent Assembly of India also took note of the distinctiveness of the region. The report notes that “the partial exclusion of Darjeeling was recommended by the Govt. of Bengal not because it was considered as a backward area but because it was felt that safeguards were necessary in the interests of the hill people.” The report also goes on to acknowledge the aspiration of the people of the region by recording that “the Gurkha League desires that there should be an elected Advisory Council in the District so that the interests of the Gurkhas in representation in the services, in the land and industry of the district may be protected.”
That the proposed Gorkhaland region is a much later addition to Bengal is made amply clear by The Absorbed Areas (Laws) Act, 1954 Schedule V which lists Darjeeling District as absorbed in the state of West Bengal. It may be noted that while Darjeeling was ‘absorbed’, Chandernagore was ‘merged’ by the Chandernagore Merger Act, 1954.
It is not difficult to comprehend that the Darjeeling-Dooars quite accidently came to be part of the present West Bengal map. The State Reorganisation Commission in its report of 1955 explains how states and provinces came to be organized in British India:
The existing structure of the States of the Indian Union is partly the result of accident and the circumstances attending the growth of the British power in India and partly a by-product of the historic process of the integration of former Indian States….The map of the territories annexed and directly administered by the British was also not shapedby any rational or scientific planning but ‘by the military, political or administrative exigencies or conveniences of the moment’. ”
3 Responses to Gorkhaland
1.Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council
Following the agitation that began in 1986, a tripartite agreement was reached between Government of India, Government of West Bengal, and Gorkha National Liberation Front on 25th July 1988 to set up an autonomous Hill Council (DGHC) under a State Act for “the social, economic, educational, and cultural advancement of the people residing in the Hill areas of Darjeeling District”. The Council covered the three hill sub-divisions of Darjeeling district and a few Mouzas within the Siliguri sub-division.
The Council was given limited executive powers but in the absence of legislative powers the aspirations of the people of the region could not be addressed. The non-inclusion of the Dooars region in the Council became a major reason of discontent. The people of the Dooars had equally participated in the movement and thus felt betrayed. The Council also created a divide between the Hills and the Dooars which till then had shared a common history and heritage.
All of these factors had created serious fault-lines in the Council right at the time of its inception. Over a period, these fault lines, along with the apathy of the state government, led to a renewal of the voices demanding Gorkhaland. Later, the elected councilors resigned en masse in support of Gorkhaland on 21st March 2005.
2.Government of West Bengal. Gorkhaland Agitation:The Issues. Information Document. Calcutta, 1986. p 4.
3.Report of the State Reorganisation Commission, 1955. Part I, Chapter1, para1.
Proposal to Include Darjeeling in the Sixth Schedule
In 2007, the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of West Bengal and the Council administrator, brought two amendment bills to the Parliament – Sixth Schedule to the Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2007 and the Constitution (107th Amendment) Bill, 2007 These bills sought to provide Sixth Schedule status for the Darjeeling Hill Areas.
Given the serious trust deficit in the Hills about the functioning of the Administration and the State Government, the two bills were seen as another conspiracy to deny the aspiration of the people. Following opposition the Bill was referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs which was headed by Sushma Swaraj. In the hearings held by the Committee, all Gorkha groups rejected the proposal and reiterated that the aspirations of the people could only be met by the creation of a State. Based on the hearings and consultations, the report presented to the Rajya Sabha recorded, “The committee would like to caution and advise the ministry of home affairs (MHA) to make a fresh assessment of the ground realities all over again before proceeding with the Bills in the two Houses of Parliament.”4
Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA)
With rising discontent against the Council administration and the shelving of the proposal of Sixth Schedule status to the region, another wave of a mass movement for Gorkhaland began in 2007.The Chairman of the Council was dislodged and banished along with his party members. A new leadership took over the movement. After three years of agitation for a state of Gorkhaland, the party leading the movement reached an agreement with the state government to form a semi-autonomous body to administer the Darjeeling hills.
The Memorandum of Agreement for GTA was signed on 18 July 2011 at Pintail Village near Siliguri in the presence of Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and movement leaders. A bill for the creation of GTA was passed in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly on 2 September 2011. The GTA will have administrative, executive and financial powers but no legislative powers.
The GTA agreement too has apparent inbuilt fault-lines. First, lack of legislative powers means that the people of the region have no control over laws to govern themselves by. The most basic instrument to meet the aspirations of the people has thus been denied to them. Second, Dooars again has been left out and instead a verification team has been set to identify “Gorkha majority” areas in the Dooars. Once again, this is a political ploy to divide Dooars. United Dooars has a distinct history and culture. Diversity has been the mark of Dooars culture as the Gorkhas, Adivasis, Rajbongshis, Bengalis, Meches, Boros and other people groups have lived alongside each other for decades. The move to identify “Gorkha majority” areas will not only deny the aspiration of the people of the region but will also divide the area along communal lines.
Demand for Gorkhaland still exists
Even though the GTA is signed, the voices demanding Gorkhaland refuse to die down. For fear of backlash, the signatory party to the GTA keeps harping about Gorkhaland and making ambiguous statements about both the GTA and Gorkhaland. Besides being seen as a major climb-down from the demand for a state, the agreement is also perceived as a betrayal of the peoples’ aspiration of a state of their own. Dooars, of course, continues to simmer.
The history of the movement and the responses to the movement clearly illustrate that the demand is for nothing short of a full-fledged state and that any other administrative arrangement will only fail. As long as the complete power to legislate is not made available to the people of the region all arrangements will only prove to be temporary and futile.
4. 129th Report on the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution (Amendment) bill, 2007 and the Constitution (107th Amendment) Bill, 2007. Rajya Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi, February, 2008. Para 7.11.
Gorkhaland is NOT just about Darjeeling
Although exact figures are not available, most estimates put the Indian Gorkha population at 1 crore twenty lakhs. Of these, only about 20 lakhs are in Darjeeling-Dooars region – the part of Bengal which now seeks to become Gorkhaland. That gives rise to a very pertinent question – how can a region that comprises of only 1/6th of the total Indian Gorkha population seek to champion the cause of a Gorkha State in India?
Before we go into the reasons for the demand for Gorkhaland, we would do well to remember that the demand has support from Gorkhas across the length and breadth of India. Gorkhas from all parts of India have supported the demand for Gorkhaland in Darjeeling Dooars area. It is therefore very obvious that the demand for Gorkhaland is not just a demand of the people of Darjeeling. And it is also very obvious that the demand does NOT pertain only to concerns that relate to Darjeeling. For had it been only about issues relating to Darjeeling, the demand would not have garnered the kind of pan India support that it now banks upon. Indeed, most of the Indian Gorkhas have very little to do with Darjeeling. Why should they then be bothered about the political developments in Darjeeling? What difference does it make to them if Darjeeling-Dooars is declared as another of the Indian states? Obviously none. And yet the support.
Gorkhaland is about the National, Political Identity of the Gorkhas
The reason why all Gorkhas support the demand is because all of them understand that the demand is about seeking a solution to the problem that vexes all of the Indian Gorkhas. The one problem that all Indian Gorkhas face irrespective of which part of India they come from is the constant, irresponsible and extremely offending interrogation of their Indian Identity. What this problem means is that every Indian Gorkha’s identity as an Indian is constantly put under scrutiny. Sometimes this suspicion comes in the form of such innocuous questions as “which part of Nepal do you come from?” to such serious allegations as being foreigners or illegal migrants. That Gorkhas are as much indigenous people as any other Indian would come as a huge surprise to many. For most – and that includes the so called respected academicians – Nepali speaking Gorkhas are from Nepal.
The misconception is so widespread and deep rooted that it simply refuses to go away. No amount of references to historical facts seem to be able to dispel the ignorance. The demand for Gorkhaland is therefore the demand that Gorkhas be recognized as Indians and be given their rightful place. It is the belief of all Indian Gorkhas that a state for Gorkhas would once and for all solve the crisis of Indian Gorkha Identity. A state for Gorkhas in India would prove that the Gorkhas are Indians.
It is this belief that unites Gorkhas all over India. It is clear that the demand for Gorkhaland is not JUST for economic reasons. It is not about the region of Darjeeling and Dooars being in a state of neglect. Yes, the region lacks in development and could be better administered but that is not the point. The people in Darjeeling know as much as the people outside do that the demand is about securing the identity of the Gorkhas as Indians.
Had it been about issues of development, the people of Darjeeling could have done without a state and have easily accepted and lived with arrangements such as the DGHC or the Sixth Schedule status to the region. Such arrangements envisaged some autonomy in governance and could have paved way for increased economic development. However, the arrangements were just placatory gestures that sought to misread the aspirations of the Indian Gorkhas in general and the people of Darjeeling in particular.
The Gorkhas do not aspire to merely having greater financial or administrative control. They aspire to completely immerse themselves in the Indian identity. And that is why all Gorkhas across the political and social spectrum unanimously rejected something that sought to address only the problem of Darjeeling. That the proposal was overwhelmingly rejected by the people of Darjeeling only proves that even for the people of Darjeeling Gorkhaland is not just about Darjeeling or its economic development; it is about the identity of every single Indian Gorkha.
Only the creation of a full-fledged State can bring a lasting and complete solution to the issue of Gorkhaland. All other arrangements fall far short of the aspirations of the people and can only provide artificial and temporary solutions.
what is happening in and around kalimpong since many things are happening in kalimpong, i hope nothing will go wrong in the peace keeper of kalimpong people. our netas before you all do something to spark up voilence please see that there are lots of innocent and poor peoples that lives in kalimpong should not get harm.
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